Social Democracy, following Kautsky, has tended to see the relationship between workers and intellectuals in the Socialist movement in formal and mechanistic terms, with the intellectuals – refugees from the bourgeois class – providing theory and ideology (and often leadership) for a mass base of non-intellectuals, i.e. ![]() Most important of all, perhaps, are the implications for the political struggle. They also underlie his study of history and particularly of the Risorgimento, in that the intellectuals, in the wide sense of the word, are seen by Gramsci as performing an essential mediating function in the struggle of class forces. They relate to Gramsci’s ideas on Education in their stress on the democratic character of the intellectual function, but also on the class character of the formation of intellectuals through school. Philosophically they connect with the proposition that “all men are philosophers” and with Gramsci’s whole discussion of the dissemination of philosophical ideas and of ideology within a given culture. The implications of this highly original schema bear on all aspects of Gramsci’s thought. These organic intellectuals are distinguished less by their profession, which may be any job characteristic of their class, than by their function in directing the ideas and aspirations of the class to which they organically belong. Secondly, there are the “organic” intellectuals the thinking and organising element of a particular fundamental-social class. In the first place there are the “traditional” professional intellectuals, literary, scientific and so on, whose position in the interstices of society has a certain inter-class aura about it but derives ultimately from past and present class relations and conceals an attachment to various historical class formations. Intellectuals in the functional sense fall into two groups. All men are potentially intellectuals in the sense of having an intellect and using it, but not all are intellectuals by social function. The notion of “the intellectuals” as a distinct social category independent of class is a myth. The central argument of Gramsci’s essay on the formation of the intellectuals is simple. Proofed and corrected: by Kevin Goins, 2007. New York: International Publishers, page 3-23 “The Intellectuals”, in Selections from the Prison Notebooks. ![]() Gli intellettuali e l'organizzazione della cultura, Edited by F. ![]() For him, once the rejection of capitalism developed within common sense, counter-hegemonic bloc would create different alternatives for political community and new opportunities for possible futures.Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci The Intellectualsįirst Published: Gramsci, Antonio. ![]() In his theorization of politics of ideological struggle, while relating hegemony with ideology and common sense, Gramsci gives room for the possibility for ideological unity between different social groups. Particularly, Gramsci’s conception of ideology, hegemony, and common sense would be guide for understanding the case of social forum. In this paper, using a Gramscian framework, I will discuss what the WSF has brought to social movements scene in terms of novelty and its risks and potentials for the future considering the theme, internal structure and goal and agendas of the WSF.
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